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F
ERENC
S
ZÁLASI
263
deportation, until which time Jews should live in a legal vacuum.
6
In
interviews conducted after the war, Szálasi rejected the accusation of
antisemitism, explaining that he was instead an ‘a-Semite’ and that he
admired Zionism as a form of national socialism. He also explained,
unconvincingly, that he had no knowledge of the atrocities and depor-
tations committed during his brief rule.
7
Szálasi rejected any suggestion that Hungarism was derivative of other
ideologies and explained it as ‘my child, without a mother’. He alone had
worked it out, along with the discovery that Christ, David and Solomon
were not Jews after all, but descended from a mysterious Gordvanian
race which was itself related to the Hungarian.
8
Nevertheless, Szálasi’s
ideas on the state, society and the economy conform to conventional
organic theories of the nation. Instead of being divided by classes and
parties, society was to work for the nation as a whole in a ‘united socialist
community of workers’. Workers were to be paid justly; peasants were to
be given land; intellectuals, once their ranks were purged of Jews, were
to educate the nation; the armed forces to protect it, and so on. Thus
would be born the ‘armed and working nation’, consisting of ‘one body,
one soul, one will and one action.’
9
Meanwhile, the economy was to be
reconstructed on national principles. The value of currency was to be
maintained through commanding that inflation never exceed the yield
on agricultural land. For its part, the National Bank was to be brought
into public ownership and its board restructured to include representa-
tives of interest groups.
10
As Szálasi summed up, ‘In social nationalism,
capital serves the state and the state the nation.’
11
As it turned out,
Szálasi’s social and economic reforms never went further than the draw-
ing board. At the beginning of December 1944, Szálasi announced the
establishment of fourteen corporations – industrial workers, peasants,
soldiers, artisans, mothers, and so on – whose delegates would meet the
following May in what would become a representative body set along-
side the parliament.
12
On account of his experience in a prison factory,
Szálasi proposed that he personally head up the industrial workers’ cor-
poration. Around the same time, Szálasi abolished all ranks and titles
and put an upper limit on earnings.
In respect of foreign policy, Szálasi emphasized what he called
‘con-nationalism’. This he distinguished from the internationalism

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